Hej nätverket,
Se nedan (och i bilaga) tips om att HL-senteret i Oslo söker ny direktör.
Från: Nicola Kristin Karcher nicola.k.karcher(a)hiof.no
Skickat: den 30 mars 2023 09:48:22
Till: Heléne Lööw; Lars M. Andersson;
Ämne: Open call: Director at the Norwegian Holocaust center
Dear all,
The Holocaust center asked med to inform you about the open call regarding the position as director at their center. Guri Hjeltnes will retire in spring 2024, and they are looking for someone to take over.
Best wishes
Nicola
...................
Karin Kvist Geverts
Docent i historia och föreståndare/Associate professor and Director
Svenska institutet för Förintelseforskning
The Institute for Holocaust Research in Sweden (IHRS)
Phone: +46708990014
E-mail: karin.kvist.geverts(a)ihrs.se
Website: www.ihrs.se
Hej nätverket,
Publicerar nedanstående artikel i dagens Foreign Policy om Holocaust
distortion i Polen som ni kan finna av intresse
(
https://foreignpolicy.com/2023/03/21/poland-distorts-holocaust-history-gros…
)
Mvh
Daniel
----------
How Poland Distorts Its Holocaust HistoryThe Polish government’s ongoing
war on historians documenting Poles’ complicity in massacres has led to a
politically motivated distortion of the past.
By Daniel Schatz <https://foreignpolicy.com/author/daniel-schatz/>, a
visiting scholar at Georgetown University and a writer on international
affairs
A photograp
MARCH 21, 2023, 11:16 AM
On a sweltering summer day, July 10, 1941, hundreds of Jews were murdered
by their Polish neighbors in the village of Jedwabne, almost 100 miles
northeast of Warsaw. Babies were killed. Men were tortured. Women were
raped. A young girl was decapitated and her head used as a soccer ball.
Villagers whose lives had not been extinguished with axes, clubs, and
knives were rounded up and taken first to the market square and then to the
outskirts of town, where they were herded into a barn. The wooden structure
was doused with kerosene and set alight. Women, children, and men were
burned alive as the jeering crowd watched. Their cries of agony
reverberated throughout the village. Looting of the victims’ homes followed
as peasants from neighboring villages showed up to take part in the plunder.
A monument erected near the barn where the Jews were immolated blamed
Poland’s Nazi occupiers for the pogrom. Townspeople walked by the plaque
for decades, knowing that it was a lie. Sixty years later, Polish Jewish
historian Jan Gross’s Neighbors: The Destruction of the Jewish Community in
Jedwabne, Poland uncovered the truth, drawing on documents long buried in
archives and interviews with survivors: The massacre was perpetrated by the
local villagers rather than their German occupiers. Similar massacres were
reported from nearby towns, including Radzilow, Szczuczyn and Wasocz.
Neighbors opened a Pandora’s box, releasing demons that have continued to
haunt Eastern Europe for centuries. The fraught history of Polish-Jewish
relations prior to, during, and following the Holocaust have been given a
stark edge by the 2015 ascension of Poland’s nationalist-populist,
right-wing Law and Justice (PiS) party. In 2016, then-Education Minister
Anna Zalewska sparked controversy by declaring the murder of Jedwabne’s
Jews by Poles to be a matter of opinion, with differing historical
perspectives.
In 2018, Article 55A was passed, making it a crime to publicly accuse
Poland of taking part in, organizing, or being responsible for Nazi or
communist offenses. A similar law has been used to threaten criminal
charges against Gross, who was expelled from Poland during the communist
regime’s state-sponsored antisemitic campaign of 1968—for “defaming the
Polish nation.” Critics—including the United States, the European Union,
and Israel—have argued that distortions of historical facts erode the
public’s understanding of the genocide while disrespecting its victims.
Holocaust denialism is easy to identify and straightforward to explain.
However, some governments are now engaging more subtly and insidiously in a
new form of distortion: They alter the facts of their history for
contemporary political purposes.
While acknowledging that genocide took place, these contemporary distorters
strive to absolve their own nations and people of any involvement,
attributing all responsibility to their Nazi occupiers. The argument that a
victim cannot be a victimizer disregards the historical reality of the
widespread collaboration and bystanderism of local populations as well as
the presence of domestic antisemitism, which provided an integral component
of the Holocaust’s machinery and persists to this day.
Although all countries try to shape their historical narratives, in
democracies, free speech and open academic inquiry foster critical public
debate. In the absence of such principles, history can become a tool used
to capture votes, seize power, and advance authoritarian ends—realizing
author George Orwell’s warning that “[h]e who controls the past controls
the future.”
Distortion has become a particularly vexing problem in Eastern Europe. The
Holocaust unfolded most gruesomely there, owing to the sheer number of Jews
in the region and unparalleled brutality of the Nazi occupation. Many
locals who did not participate in the persecution did nothing to stop it
because they could not or dared not. While the systematic and industrial
genocide was initiated, implemented, and enforced by the German Reich, it
became a European-wide endeavor when ordinary Germans, Poles, Estonians,
Latvians, Romanians, Croatians, Lithuanians, Ukrainians, and others became
complicit in the destruction of their neighbors.
Of all European countries, Poland had the largest portion of its citizens
become eyewitnesses to the extermination campaign; Gross concluded in a
2015 article that Poles murdered more Jews than they killed Nazis during
the occupation. Such disclosures precipitated a state of national dismay
when Poles were viewed no longer exclusively as the eternal victims of war
but as perpetrators of some of its atrocities. The Jedwabne affair was
shockingly at odds with their self-image as a heroic, glorious, and
innocent people who, risking their own lives, did everything in their power
to save their fellow countrymen.
During more than 40 years of communist rule, vast numbers of Poles and
other Eastern Europeans found comfort in a historical narrative that
portrayed them as valiant victims of German and Soviet occupiers—which
dovetailed with systematic efforts by Warsaw Pact governments to rewrite
history. Officially, the question of Jewish suffering was placed on the
margins of class struggle and became part of national martyrdom and
communist anti-fascist triumph in efforts to provide the Eastern Bloc’s
totalitarian regimes with ongoing political legitimacy.
The PiS government continues to harness the nation’s historical experiences
of foreign invasion, occupation, and subjugation to position itself as a
staunch defender of its sovereignty, values, culture, and faith. This
approach has led to the discrediting of political adversaries, including
those who scrutinize the country’s World War II history, by labeling them
as unpatriotic. Such tactics foster a siege mentality, particularly among
the government’s core supporters, in which Poland must once again defend
itself from external enemies and traitors within—a mindset the party uses
to distract attention from the erosion of democratic norms and institutions.
It is happening in nearby countries too. Although full-fledged democracies,
such as the Baltic states, have long engaged in downplaying and minimizing
the role of local Nazi collaborators, the spread of right-wing populism and
nationalism throughout Europe has accelerated the trend of making
historical distortion official government policy in various countries. When
a positive and idealized past is not available, it must be created—in the
words of Holocaust scholar Yehuda Bauer, “out of a mixture of truths,
half-truths, and the wish for [the past] to have happened the way it is
presented.”
Government-run institutions, museums, schools, media outlets, and monuments
honoring nationalist figures have all been bent to these aims. Partial
truth becomes total distortion, which includes thought control in the
service of nationalistic regimes dismantling fundamental democratic rights
and freedoms, along with the rule of law.
In Hungary, Budapest’s House of Terror Museum—led by a former advisor to
Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban—paints a picture of that country’s
20th-century experience as a victim of foreign regimes while omitting the
Hungarian government’s complicity in the Holocaust. The narrative begins
with the start of German occupation in 1944, ignoring both Hungary’s
decision to join the Axis Powers in 1940 and Hungarian forces under the
rule of then-regent Miklos Horthy having killed around 60,000 Jews before
the occupation began.
The story conveniently forgets that it was Hungarian police and other
officials who herded almost 430,000 Hungarian Jews first into ghettos and
later onto death trains destined for Auschwitz. They did it practically on
their own, inspired by the Germans but without direct Nazi involvement.
Revisionism by omission has been endorsed by Orban’s right-wing populist
government and embraced by a surprising number of Hungarian intellectuals.
The memory of the Holocaust has been debated and revisited and debated
again, so why does all this still matter more than seven decades after the
end of World War II? The postwar international order led to the
establishment of multilateral institutions tasked with protecting human
rights and maintaining international peace and security. Significant
resources were invested in honoring the victims of the Holocaust, educating
people about the genocide, and studying its causes.
Nations that created and subscribed to the liberal postwar order hoped that
an understanding of history would provide warning signs against racism,
antisemitism, and crimes against humanity; advance a universal standard for
human rights; and serve as a powerful deterrent against authoritarianism.
These hopes were not broadly realized. Genocides and systematic human
rights abuses occur with alarming regularity to this day, as democratic
freedoms decline in every region of the world, leaving more than a third of
the global population living under authoritarian rule.
The continued and widespread distortion of a universal symbol of humans’
capacity for evil erodes our understanding of the Holocaust and disrespects
its victims.
The continued and widespread distortion of a universal symbol of humans’
capacity for evil erodes our understanding of the Holocaust, disrespects
its victims, and undermines its legacy—including global efforts to prevent
contemporary genocides and crimes against humanity.
As author William Faulkner wrote: “The past is never dead. It’s not even
past.” Confronting the ghosts of the past is essential for post-communist
Europe to face its remaining demons.
The international community must remain vigilant when historical records
are distorted to serve the partisan interests of the day. States need to
educate the public, implement legal measures, and support research and
documentation while sounding political and diplomatic alarm bells when
politicians play with historical facts.
Until then, the cries from Jedwabne’s burnt wooden barn will continue to
echo into our time.
*Daniel Schatz is a visiting scholar at Georgetown University and a writer
on international affairs. He has served as a visiting fellow at Harvard
University, Stanford University, and Columbia University.*
--
*Daniel Schatz, Ph.D.*
daniel(a)danielschatz.se
http://www.danielschatz.se
